Gambling
‘Of Crocodiles, Calcuttas and Card Games' -
Gambling - A Northern Territory Perspective
Presented at the National Association of Gambling
Studies Conference
Melbourne, November 1997
Kerin Bolton and Bernie Dwyer -
Amity Community Services, Darwin, Northern Territory
Abstract | Introduction
| History of Gambling | Community
Benefits & Problems
Distance & Demographics | Economy
| Cash Payment Gaming Machines
Telephone/Internet Sports Bookmaking
| Amity's Role & Approach | Conclusion
Abstract
Gambling, both in its regulated and unregulated forms, is
a part of the normal social and cultural fabric of the Northern
Territory. The Territory has a population of 180,000 people
distributed sparsely across a land area of approx 1.35 million
square kilometres. The 1995-96 estimates for gambling expenditure
in the Territory is 3.36% of Household Disposable Income.
This equates to $822 per capita, the highest expenditure per
head in Australia but the per capita figure may be skewed
by involvement of interstate and overseas tourists as well
as interstate and international telephone and internet gambling.
There are clearly negatives as well as positives to gambling.
Amity Community Services believes that the adoption of a systems
approach offers the best opportunity to reduce the harm associated
with gambling. While acknowledging that there may be some
conflicts in agendas, Amity implements this approach by working
with the various sectors of the community involved with gambling.
These sectors include government, venue owners and managers,
community organisations, groups and individuals. The object
is to identify where there is commonality of agenda, to develop
strategic alliances and to develop initiatives aimed at harm
reduction in relation to gambling.
Introduction
In this paper we will briefly examine the historical and
contemporary context of gambling in the Northern Territory,
describe some of the characteristics of the Territory and
over view the role and approach of Amity Community Services
in relation to gambling.
Gambling, both regulated and unregulated, is a part of the
everyday social and cultural fabric of the Northern Territory.
Gambling is undertaken in many forms, not all, of course,
involving financial wagers. In July this year,for example,
a Territory newspaper reported the result of backing the wrong
Australian Football League team in a weekend game in Melbourne.
When Carlton lost to Melbourne, the losing punter was obliged
to honour the ‘wager' made between himself and his friends
before the match. It had been agreed that the loser of the
bet would swim, naked, the murky crocodile-infested waters
of the Elizabeth River. Not without compassion the friends
watched the swim - escorting their friend via a dinghy with
an echo sounder to warn him of any ‘crocodile-shaped
objects'. But when the echo sounder revealed shapes worthy
of suspicion, they decided to keep quiet so their mate could
carry out his obligations (Sunday Territorian, 27/7/97). Most
would agree that in this instance the stakes were high, given
the potential for a large personal loss and that fatal crocodile
attacks have not been all that uncommon in the last fifteen
years!
‘Calcuttas', on the other hand, restrict the commitment
to a financial wager and have been popular at country races
where licensed bookies and registered horses are ‘thin
on the ground'. In calcuttas, the horses are ‘auctioned',
the proceeds are put into a kitty, and the kitty can then
be divided according to agreement, for example into first,
second and third prizes. The ‘owner' receives their
dividend according to the race placing, and may donate part
of the dividend to the jockey. At the Pine Creek Races of
the early and mid 1980's, for example, the rules excluded
all but grass-fed horses from nearby stations. These horses
were auctioned and raced according to the rules mentioned
earlier.
Once the day's horse racing was complete, jockeys were then
auctioned in a calcutta and raced in a foot race. Female racegoers
were also auctioned for a foot race, as were the gymkhana
horses and their young riders, to much mirth and merriment.
The Pine Creek Race Meeting has more recently come under the
organisation of the Darwin Turf Club and become a regulated
meeting. The calcuttas continue, however, in events such as
the wheelbarrow race at Pine Creek May Day weekend.
Card games can be observed in Aboriginal communities, both
large and small. The games can be huge and, in some communities,
are referred to as ‘casinos'. Card casinos are particularly
popular amongst Aboriginal groups and have been used for many
years for the purpose of redistributing resources , social
interaction and accumulation of money (Altman, 1987). Foote
(1996) indicates that in the past, after mining royalties
had been distributed,as much as $70 000 has circulated in
a card casino.
The Northern Territory community appears to have had a relaxed
attitude towards gambling in all its forms, and seems to voice
little concern regarding its consequences.
History of Gambling
Similar to other states and territories in Australia, the
Northern Territory has had a long association with gambling.
Gambling is thought to have been introduced to Aboriginal
communities through contact with Asian traders who frequented
north Australian waters, then later through the arrival of
Europeans (Berndt & Berndt, 1977), and through Afghan
camel drivers in Central Australia (Stevens, 1989). Horse
racing has held a prominent position in the cultural and social
fabric of the community since European settlement (Hogan,
1993). Race meetings were well attended by a cosmopolitan
population as early as the 1870's, a population made up of
"Chinese, Malays, Japanese, Singhalese, Aborigines and
the Britisher and colonial - a gathering very characteristic
of the land we live in" (Hogan, 1993:13).
Searcy, in his book of the late 19th century, titled By Flood
and Field, says of racegoers of the time, "Some of them
not worth talking about, mere vulgar vagabonds; others again,
though vagabondish enough, with a spice of romance in them.
All, objectionably bad, or attractively wicked, turned up
at the races, well mounted to a man" (1911:292).
It is also clear that there were some highs and some major
lows for those involved in these earlier forays. Searcy tells
of Sgt O'Donoghue's horse, first named "Coronation",
which then, having marred its reputation at the Adelaide River
races, was renamed "Ruination", and was then later
to become so successful that it was renamed "Reformation"!
Searcy recounts that "hard earned cheques representing
months of toil were knocked down in a few days"(1911:292).
While Searcy's book is not a pure history of north Australia,
it is a story based on anecdotes he collected as well as his
own experiences. His stories are consistent with others reports
of early race meetings. Ernestine Hill indicates that large
"... bets were recorded from men to whom years of work
and wander suddenly seemed a detail. There are some who come
to bush races in a swag and go home in a motor car, and vice
versa" (in Hogan, 1993:20).
Horse racing flourished in the Territory during World War
II, with the influx of service personnel. Meetings were arranged
to keep servicemen and women entertained, with an irregular
schedule, and locations kept secret "to keep the enemy
guessing" (Hogan, 1993: 27)! The significance of horse
racing in the community remained strong over the years. This
was made more than apparent during the aftermath of Cyclone
Tracy, as Darwin lay stripped of obvious symbols of community
via the destruction and devastation of the cyclone, and the
evacuation of masses of its people which saw a city of 50,000
reduced to 8,000. Just 17 days after Tracy hit and already
cleared of debris, Fannie Bay Racetrack was host to a five
race program arranged by the "hastily convened Sports
& Entertainment Committee". "Free race meeting!
Free admission, free programs, free beer and freedom from
the gendarmes to play two-up"! (Hogan, 1993:45)
While gambling on horses has been recorded since the earliest
days of Territory race meetings, such gambling was done through
various types of ‘bookies' as the TAB was introduced
only as recently as 1985 (Hogan, 1993:66).
‘Two-up', sweeps, card games, lotteries, pools, and
lotto have also been significant gambling activities and have
their devotees. The introduction of legal casinos in Darwin
and Alice Springs twenty years ago brought with it, in the
legal sense, an even greater variety of gaming to Territorians.
With the casinos came poker machines and traditional casino
games. Before this, however, illegal casinos and bookies had
been operating in the Northern Territory for many years, and
were sanctioned by the administration of the day. These illegal
bookies not only catered for locals, but also handled substantial
amounts of money from the South, including the laundering
of "difficult money from all states" (Bowditch,
1993:33).
Community Benefit and Problems
Regulated and unregulated gaming has broad community support,
both in the historical and contemporary settings. The community
has been, and remains, keen to ‘wager' on a variety
of activities, from wheelbarrow races to satellite broadcast
boxing bouts. Gaming is embedded in many ways into the lifestyle
of the Northern Territory community. Professor Jan McMillen
is currently engaged in research into the social and economic
impact of the introduction of gaming machines into clubs and
hotels in the Northern Territory, and when this report is
released, we hope to have a clearer understanding of the costs
and benefits of the gaming industry.
There do appear to be benefits to gaming. These include:
personal enjoyment of winning, social interaction, community
benefit, and stress release or an escape at times of distress.
There are also the economic benefits of employment, more money
spent in communities, and increased tax revenue. The belief
that tax revenue would rise was underpinned by the Select
Committee on the Effects of Poker Machines in Community Venues,
which estimated in 1992/93 that "the proportion of Household
Disposable Income devoted to gambling will reach and stabilise
at about 3%", and that at that time the estimated proportion
of Household Disposable Income devoted to gambling was 2.17%
(1995:47). The 1995-96 estimates for gambling expenditure
in the Territory is 3.36% of Household Disposable Income.
This equates to $822 per capita, the highest expenditure per
head in Australia (Tasmanian Gaming Commission, 1996). It
is unclear how much these figures are skewed by the fact that
there were 1.3 million interstate and overseas visitors to
the Territory in 1995-96 who may participate in gambling,
and that gambling income is also derived from interstate,
overseas telephone and internet sports betting.
Apart from profits for those individuals and corporations
involved in the industry, the Racing and Gaming Authority
indicates that its revenue from the racing and gaming industry
was approximately thirty million dollars in 1995-96. The thirty
million is returned to the community through the sport and
recreation fund, the lotteries fund, the community benefit
fund, the industry assistance fund and the racecourse development
fund, as well as funds returned to consolidated revenue (Racing
and Gaming Authority, 3rd Annual Report).
Alongside the visible benefits of gambling there is also
evidence of personal, social and economic costs. The personal
costs include distress, depression (Foote, 1996) and poorer
nutrition due to depleted financial reserves (Hunter &
Spargo, 1988), social costs such as fraud, theft (NT News)
tax evasion, and corruption (Pinto & Wilson, 1990). The
economic costs can include loss of work time, decreased productivity,
inability to pay bills and debt (Foote, 1996). The Select
Committee on the Effects of Poker Machines in Community Venues
(1995) have heard estimates indicating that 5% of the adult
population may experience a problem in relation to gambling,
and that this 5% could be contributing 25% of the gambling
revenue.
Various agencies report seeing clients with gambling related
problems (Amity Community Services - Darwin, Drug & Alcohol
Services Association - Alice Springs) so there clearly are
negative as well as a positive sides to the gaming industry.
Distance & Demographics
The factors that define responses to gambling issues in the
Northern Territory are population size and distribution, isolation,
cultural diversity and values and the community structure.
The 1996 Northern Territory population was estimated at 181,900.
It is a population distributed sparsely across a land area
of approx 1.35 million square km's with only 6 centres having
a population greater than one thousand people. Darwin is the
capital city with 80,900 residents, or 44% of the Territory
population (N.T. Government, 1997).
In 1991, 19.2% of the Northern Territory's population were
born overseas and a further 14.6% were Australian-born persons
with at least one parent who was born overseas. While the
Territory has a greater proportion of the overseas-born from
‘mainly English speaking' countries (eg, UK, Ireland,
New Zealand) compared to all of Australia, it is noted that
those born in ‘non-English speaking' countries are a
much more diverse group in the Territory, comprising people
from more than 100 national origins. The strong representation
of migrants from South East Asia, with which the Territory
shares common ocean borders, is reflected by the over-representation
of Philippines-, Singapore- and Indonesian-born groups (Hugo,1997).
It is important to emphasise that Darwin, for much of its
early history, was a multicultural city, whereas other Australian
capitals were very much dominated by Anglo-Celtic groups.
In 1991, 59.5% of the Territory's overseas born population
lived in Darwin, the largest group being of Greek origin (Hugo,1997).
In the Northern Territory, 23% of the population (ABS, 1996:18)
are Aborigines living in both urban and small remote communities.
Isolation can be a major characteristic of Territory life.
It has been noted that, "it has taken well over a hundred
years for telephones to become available in some communities
in the Northern Territory" (Select Committee, 1996:69).
Remote communities vary in size from a number of families
on an outstation, to small towns with a community government.
Many smaller aboriginal and mining communities are isolated
for months at a time, due to seasonal conditions, except for
air travel. Aboriginal community life often continues to rely
on self-regulation through rights, obligations and privileges
based on kinship (Hiatt, 1987:175) rather than through the
imposition of by-laws and legislation, and gambling reflects
this reality. It is also argued that aboriginal gambling is
not benign, acting as a "conduit for a major drain on
resources and energy...that undermine personal and community
development" (Hunter, 1993:251). In a "topography
of poverty, broken fleetingly by the dream of a big win,...gambling
may appear a not unreasonable pastime" (Hunter, 1993:252).
Economy
The major components of the Territory's economy are mining,
retail trade, construction and government administration and
defence (ABS NT in Focus 1996). Tourism contributes to a number
of components of the economy and is the second biggest industry
after mining in dollar terms. Employment in the Territory
returns high incomes. The average weekly total earnings of
Territorians was the second highest in Australia behind the
Australian Capital Territory.
Cash Payment Gaming Machines
While the casinos have had cash payment gaming machines since
their establishment in Darwin (1979) and in Alice Springs
(1982), these machines have only been introduced into clubs
and hotels since 1 January 1996. Prior to January 1996, clubs
and hotels owned draw card machines, and goods were offered
as prizes. Now approximately 500 cash payment gaming machines
are located in 30 clubs and 16 hotels across the Territory,
together with approximately 570 machines located in the Darwin
and Alice Springs casinos (N.T. Racing & Gaming Authority,
1996).
Telephone/ Internet Sports Bookmaking
A number of organisations in the Northern Territory and in
other States are sanctioned and licensed to offer wagering
on sports events via the telephone and the internet.
Centrebet, for example, is based in Alice Springs. It was
established in 1992, and claims to be "the first organisation
in Australasia to be granted a telephone sports bookmaking
licence". It is also established as an internet gambling
site. Centrebet indicates that it takes wagers from all parts
of the world. Bets can be placed on Australian Rules Football,
cricket, golf, United States baseball, Olympic and Commonwealth
Games as well as horse racing to name a few sports (Centrebet
promotional material).
It is clear that gambling in the Northern Territory is not
only keeping up with technological advances, but at times,
setting the pace. There is, however, a significant threat
to the Territory's sports betting industry from interactive
television sports betting as the technology probably will
be introduced later in the Territory than the heavier populated
areas of Australia (Select Committee, 1996:69).
Amity's Role and Approach
Amity Community Services has provided a service for gamblers
for more than a decade. Initially, it was a face-to-face counselling
service for people in the Darwin area, referred through the
legal/judicial system. From the inception of the gambling
service, the approach taken by the agency has been that of
harm reduction rather than a requirement for abstinence and
has had a focus on self responsibility. Interventions are
based on a cognitive behavioural approach. Gambling is seen
as normal and functional rather than abnormal and dysfunctional,
accepting that it may become a habitual behaviour.
What is Amity's definition of harm reduction? Harm reduction
is based on the assumption that the particular behaviour will
continue, but the process attempts to reduce the harm associated
with that continued behaviour. Abstinence, on the other hand,
attempts to stop the harm by stopping the behaviour. While
abstinence may appear to be the ideal for some, it may not
be acceptable or achievable for many. Therefore, the goal
of the counselling service is to reduce the harm and is neutral
about abstinence and the longer term agenda of the client.
Until 1993 the provision of gambling intervention services
by Amity was seen as ancillary to its core funded service
areas such as education, early intervention and counselling
in the area of alcohol and other drug use.
In 1993, the then named Darwin "Diamond Beach Casino"
consulted with Amity in regard to providing appropriate information
and intervention for patrons who approach the Casino indicating
they were experiencing difficulties related to their gambling.
Diamond Beach Casino management indicated that they believed
that it was inappropriate and inadequate to only respond with
a ‘ban' on the patron attending the casino.
From this consultation, Amity became aware of (1) the usefulness
of adopting a ‘systems' approach in the area of gambling
intervention and (2) the need to develop strategic alliances
with the various players in the system.
The systems approach depends on systems thinking. Senge (1994)
argues that systems thinking is orientated at examining the
interrelatedness of forces, and looks for the common process.
He points out that this cannot be done as an individual, not
because it is too difficult, but because good results in a
complex system depend on bringing in as many perspectives
as possible. Systems thinking points out interdependencies
and the need for collaboration. "It may be necessary
to bring in new members - particularly people who were once
seen as enemies" (Senge, 1994:92). For the systems approach
to be effective it is useful to steer away from blaming individuals
but rather explore the systemic explanation.
To use and promote the ‘systems' approach effectively,
it is important to be aware of the various agendas in play
at any given time. There are politics involved in the various
interactions in all areas of society. It is useful to be politically
aware prior to entering agreements with the various components
in the system. It has been argued that for an organisation
to safely and effectively engage with other components of
the system requires effective political processes between
the organisation and its environment. It requires the members
to have "...a capacity to see the big picture, understand
the political climate and deal with the political environment"
(Limerick,1993:143).
When the systems approach is accepted there is an acknowledgement
and a validation of other components of the system. Therefore,
the approach is predicated on inclusion of the various components
rather than exclusion, with a view to influence rather than
control. It is about building strategic alliances and relationships
within the system.
Since 1993, the ‘systems' approach has been adopted
in an endeavour to include other components of the system
- these include the TAB, hotel and club management, and community
organisations that are an appropriate vehicle for community
education and intervention in areas around the Territory.
Amity has also been involved in discussions with individuals
and groups to identify organisations that have existing relationships
and are seen as appropriate sources for intervention by the
community. The Alice Springs Casino has requested and participated
in training for staff in relation to issues surrounding gambling.
In addition discussions with the Darwin casino, club and hotel
staff and internet gaming providers have been undertaken regarding
problems associated with gambling and responsible practices.
The systems approach has also been utilised in the area of
community education. In conjunction with both the Darwin and
Alice Springs Casinos, as well as the Northern Territory Racing
& Gaming Authority, Amity developed posters indicating
referral points for gamblers experiencing problems, a booklet
on "Managing Your Gambling", a 1-800 Territory-wide
contact telephone number to enable greater access to counselling,
as well as continued provision of face-to-face assessment
and counselling. Distribution of the posters extended to TAB
outlets throughout the Northern Territory, and with the recent
introduction of poker machines in community venues, posters
are displayed at all hotels and clubs licensed to provide
poker machines.
Amity also consciously identified government organisations
and authorities where the public frequently paid accounts
or attended for financial assistance. Examples of these are
Telstra, the Northern Territory Housing Commission, and the
Department of Social Security, who all display counter cards
with gambling intervention information. The Northern Territory
Power and Water Authority provided, free of charge, advertising
space on their accounts conveying the same message.
Conclusion
It is the view of Amity Community Services that gambling
is influenced by many factors, some unique to the Northern
Territory, others common to all states. It recognises that
like other lifestyle behaviours, gambling is a normal behaviour
influenced by certain individual, social, cultural and historical
factors and that there are costs and benefits associated with
gambling for the individual, the community, industry and government.
It is through this recognition that it is possible to examine
the interrelatedness of sectors within the system and look
for a common process which aims to minimise the costs or problems
experienced, while still recognising the benefits of gambling
enjoyed by various members of the Northern Territory.
It is important for individuals to take responsibility for
their behaviour and to learn effective skills to deal with
their own needs and the impact of their environment. Equally
important is the development of joint ventures and relationships
between the Northern Territory Government, industry and community-based
services that enables these sectors to take responsibility
for their behaviour and to foster an environment which aims
to reduce the harm associated with gambling. The continued
incorporation of these important areas is the basis of the
systems approach which, Amity Community Services concludes,
offers the best opportunity for harm reduction.
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